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Worse, a Somalian terrorist called Jakarde and a shady government official called "Mr. Nobody" are both competing to steal a computer terrorism program called "God's Eye," that can turn any technological device into a weapon. Torretto must reconvene with his team to stop Shaw and retrieve the God's Eye program while caught in a power struggle between the terrorist and the United States government. Vengeance hits home. Rated PG for prolonged frenetic sequences of violence, action and mayhem, suggestive content and brief strong language.

Did you know Edit. Quotes [last lines] Dominic Toretto : [remembering the time he had with Brian] I used to say I live my life a quarter mile at a time and I think that's why we were brothers - because you did too. Crazy credits Before the credits, there is a title card that reads, "For Paul", dedicating the film to deceased star Paul Walker. Alternate versions The minute extended version of the film has the following additions: No doubt the biggest addition is the longer opening sequence where Deckard narrates their shared past as children including him punished by their father for what Owen would steal.

He also knew that Owen would end up in the current predicament despite being a gangster, smarter, better and being trained by him. It then continues to the theatrical-version's opening of laying the machine gun on Owen's chest before he leaves the hospital.

A different line when Deckard responds to Hobbs why he's in his office: "I don't care for your computer. I'm here for the team that crippled my brother. The number of punches, kicks and head butts between Letty and Kara is almost doubled. The shootout at the warehouse is longer, especially it has Mr. Nobody killing a three more of Jakande's mercenaries. Explore Google tools. Safety by design Take control of your online safety Chrome works hard to protect your data and privacy online.

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Go to Chrome Dev. Thi s concessio n i s symbolize d b y th e traditiona l obligatio n o f each kin g of Castile, an d late r each kin g of Spain, to swear to uphol d th e 28 A Shor t Versio n o f a Lon g History : Fro m th e Ston e Ag e t o th e Civi l War fueros o f Vizcay a a t a ceremon y unde r th e ancestra l oak i n Gernik a se e p.

Hcibcrg describe s th e power s grante d t o th e Basque s a s "possibl y unique i n Spain". The y include d genera l exemptio n fro m torture , fro m arbitrary arrest , an d fro m militar y conscription fo r servic e outside thei r own territor y by th e king. These privileges , whic h wer e generall y onl y granted t o noble s i n othe r regions , create d a powerfu l sens e tha t th e Basques enjoye d a kin d o f "universa l nobility".

I n fact , man y o f thes e privileges ma y hav e bee n grante d fo r pragmati c reasons. They ma y hav e been grante d i n order t o undermin e the power o f the loca l nobles , sinc e their feud s were creatin g such mayhem. Wha t ha s often bee n describe d as th e "egalitarianism " o f Basqu e society , an d trace d bac k t o Neolithi c times, i s therefore probably o f quit e recen t origin. The mos t strikin g privileg e o f all , however, wa s tha t the lin e of Spanis h custom s post s remaine d o n th e Ebr o unti l th e nine teenth century , makin g th e Spanis h Basqu e Countr y a duty-fte e zone.

Heiberg suggest s tha t thes e concession s ma y hav e been intende d i n par t as incentive s to migrant s to populat e an d defen d a borde r regio n wher e Castile ha d n o standin g army. Proposals t o abolis h thes e economi c privilege s were centra l issue s in the Carlis t wars , whic h plunge d Spai n int o blood y conflic t twic e i n th e nineteenth century. The Basque s were deeply involve d in these wars—on both sides.

The Carlis t Wars: th e Basqu e Rif t Deepen s In th e Basqu e Countr y th e Carlis t war s wer e a n expressio n o f th e deep ening o f a lon g rif t betwee n th e countrysid e an d th e towns.

Th e faul t lines tu n bac k t o th e twelft h century , whe n urbanizatio n bega n i n earnest. The rapidl y industrializin g cities foun d tha t th e fueros lef t the m in th e worst o f all worlds. Thei r product s wer e subjec t t o custom s dutie s in th e Spanis h market , whil e the y ha d n o protectio n fro m Britis h o r Dutch competitio n i n the internal Basqu e market.

The urba n merchant s wanted t o shak e of f ancient privilege s whic h wer e tutnin g int o chroni c? Courtes y Sogecine. The fueros wer e inhibitin g thei r ability t o exploi t thei r pivota l geographica l positio n betwee n Madrid , Paris, Londo n an d Amsterdam. In th e countryside , however , th e peasantr y feared r u i n i f they wer e exposed t o th e duty-fre e import of Castillan livestoc k and cereals , or los t their right s to graz e commo n land s o r exploi t natura l resource s hel d i n common.

Th e fueros als o decree d tha t woo d an d iro n wer e municipa l property. Modes t bu t productiv e smelter s and smithie s could b e foun d along ever y Basqu e river , directl y serving local communitie s o n a smal l scale. Urba n liberal s wanted th e common s privatize d so tha t industrial scale manufacture , oriente d toward s exports , coul d flourish.

The firs t Carlis t wa r wa s sparke d b y a dynasti c struggle , bu t it s deeper cause s wer e economi c an d cultural. What was really at issu e in thi s war, an d i n it s successo r i n , wa s th e politica l futur e o f Spain. I n a foretast e o f Spain' s twentieth-centur y Civi l War, British , Frenc h an d Germa n volunteer s an d mercenarie s fough t o n both sides.

I n th e Basqu e Country , these war s becam e a kind o f struggle for th e soul o f a nation whic h ha d no t ye t been born. Much of the wors t fighting, i n bot h wars , too k plac e i n th e Basqu e region. The traditionalist s i n th e Basqu e countryside , especiall y i n Navarre, were Carlis t diehard s becaus e the y believe d tha t Do n Carlo s woul d respect thei r ancien t liberties , encapsulate d i n th e fueros. Th e Basqu e cities, and especiall y Bilbao , wer e predictabl y Liberal.

Julio Medem' s sur realistic fil m Vacas use s a vendett a betwee n tw o familie s a s a metapho r for th e Basqu e conflict , then an d now. Som e of its best moment s ar e set in th e blood y chao s o f th e Carlis t wars. The first war ended in 1 with a negotiated defea t fo r the Carlists, in whic h some fueros wer e retained. The definitiv e triump h o f th e liber als i n 6 spelt thei r fina l abolition.

I n th e vie w of th e Carlists , an d o f Basque nationalis m a s i t subsequentl y emerged , thi s wa s a n unprece dented tragedy. T o thi s day , Basqu e nationalist s routinely assum e i t ha d a catastrophi c ye t ultimatel y regenerative impact o n nationa l conscious ness—a curiousl y paralle l sentimen t t o Spanis h perception s o f th e "Disaster" o f The Basqu e liberals , however , were naturall y happy t o se e custom s tariffs shif t t o th e coast , administratio n centralize d an d th e common s privatized.

The res t o f th e centur y sa w th e populatio n o f Bilba o triple , an d Vizcaya become the mos t densel y populated provinc e in Spain , as indus trialization accelerated.

Th e increase d populatio n wa s largely made u p o f impoverished immigrant s fro m Andalusia , Extremadur a an d Galicia. One acto r wa s the industria l and financia l oligarchy. I t ha d Basqu e surnames bu t wa s no w economicall y marrie d t o bi g capita l i n Madri d and Barcelona. This ne w elite inherite d tw o thing s fro m th e ol d Basqu e aristocracy, wit h whic h i t wa s wel l connected : vigorou s relationship s with th e capita l city , an d a barel y concealed belie f that the y were "mor e Spanish tha n th e Spanish " becaus e o f thei r "purit y o f blood".

Th e oli garchy energeticall y jettisone d traditiona l Basqu e value s lik e berdin-berdin—egalitarianism. The othe r acto r wa s th e risin g proletariat, mostl y non-Basqu e i n origin, ofte n militantl y atheistic and revolutionary.

And, Basqu e tradi tionalists like d to add , shamelessl y promiscuous i n it s morals. Sabino Arana: Inventor of Basque Nationalism That wa s th e vie w o f th e mos t influentia l ideologu e t o emerg e i n th e Basque Countr y i n th e nineteent h century : Sabin o Arana. H e an d hi s brother Lui s constructe d a nationalis t projec t fo r th e Basqu e Countr y which, thoug h i t drew heavil y an d often capriciously on tradition , was also distinctivel y modern.

S o moder n tha t i t i s th e inheritor s of Arana who hav e dominated ever y Basque government since the CA V was established i n , an d wh o ca n clai m th e Guggenhei m Museu m an d a booming I T secto r a s their initiatives. Arana cam e fro m a Carlist family , but hi s people wer e shipbuilders wit h thre e yard s i n boomin g Bilbao , no t peasant s fro m th e green Goiherr i valleys , no r sailor s from Lekeitio. H e di d no t eve n spea k Euskera, thoug h h e manage d t o lear n it , wit h difficulty.

Hi s virtua l invention o f Basqu e nationalis m was a s much a search fo r a n identit y as an expressio n o f it. To sa y this is not t o den y hi s ideolog y politica l legit imacy. Al l nationalism s ar e invention s t o som e degree , replacin g th e diversity o f realit y with a comforting homogeneity. A s the Frenc h histo rian Ernes t Rena n pu t it , "gettin g it s histor y wron g i s part o f bein g a nation.

Hi s loathin g fo r immigrants wa s pathological. Hi s ide ology wa s nourishe d b y xenophobia. I n fairness , w e mus t remembe r that a degree o f racism wa s mother's mil k t o mos t nascen t nationalism s in nineteenth-centur y Europe. H e wa s a terrifyingl y zealou s Catholic. This religiou s inheritanc e fro m Carlis m wa s enshrine d i n th e ver y title o f th e part y h e founded , thoug h no t i n th e Spanis h versio n o f its name, th e on e whic h rathe r oddly , i s mostl y use d today.

Jeltzalea i s not onl y on e o f the man y ne w Basqu e word s coined b y Arana , bu t i s minted , somewha t awkwardly , ou t o f a n acronym h e als o invented , JEL. Th e phras e is still prominent o n th e PNV' s website today , thoug h th e part y omit s t o translate i t directly.

Instead , th e sit e render s i t i n fuzz y fashio n a s "a n expression o f a transcendenta l concep t o f existence , linke d t o a n affir mation o f the Basqu e nation. Arana claime d tha t th e basi c principle s of Basqu e nationalism wer e revealed t o hi m o n Whitsu n Day. Bu t h e ha d n o Christia n lov e to spar e for hi s Spanis h brother s an d sister s in th e tenement s o f Bilba o and th e mining village s roun d abou t them. H e admonishe d hi s Churc h fo r wasting it s charity on suc h degenerates.

Th e fac t tha t the y dance d chee k t o chee k i n public places was sufficient t o indic t them o f chroni c depravity. His belie f that the Basqu e "race " wa s superio r t o th e Spanis h was quit e explicit , ironi cally sharin g a n ideolog y o f purit y o f bloo d wit h th e Castillan s h e spurned.

H e calle d the m maketos, an offensiv e ter m fo r immigrants. A s recently a s th e s , a PN V ideologu e woul d dismis s a ne w wav e o f migrant workers a s "Koreans", an d th e nam e stuck. Aranas distaste for the deracinate d Basqu e oligarchy was equally visceral o n th e surface.

Bu t i t maske d a sneakin g regar d fo r th e robus t energy with which thes e businessme n were endowing hi s homeland with unprecedented economi c power. Bu t it was the countryside's symbols that h e wante d t o harvest , no t it s agricultural produce. Peasan t dance s an d peasan t costume s wer e core element s i n th e movement' s liturgy , bu t tha t doe s no t mea n tha t PNV leader s actuall y worked i n th e fields , o r wante d thei r daughters t o marry anyone who did.

Arana founded th e PNV i n , and b y the tim e he died nin e years later, a t th e ag e o f 38 , i t ha d becom e a significan t force. H e lef t behin d not onl y an ideology but a flag the ikurrma, which look s like a red, whit e and gree n unio n jack a n anthe m Cora t a Gora —his word s t o a tradi tional air and a name fo r thi s new-and-ancient nation : Euskadi. I n fact , he spel t i t Euzkadi, thoug h al l other Basqu e word s relate d t o th e Basqu e language begi n wit h Euskera' s roo t syllable , "Eus".

Aran a wa s tryin g t o suggest a link with th e Basqu e wor d fo r the sun , eguzki, harkin g bac k t o the sola r symbol s s o dominan t i n Basqu e mythology. Thi s was an inter esting nod i n th e directio n o f paga n root s fo r such a Christian ideologu e to make. Paga n root s would als o fascinate many ETA supporters fro m th e s onwards , bu t th e "z " ha s disappeare d fro m "Euskadi " fo r good. I t is a measur e o f Arana s influenc e that thes e ke y symbols—flag , anthe m albeit without hi s words an d name—hav e all been i n officia l us e by th e Basque Autonomous Communit y CAV sinc e the earl y s.

Aranas greates t gif t t o th e PN V wa s his ambiguity. H e ha d starte d out proclaimin g th e party' s goa l t o b e tota l independenc e fro m Spai n and, even les s realistically , from France. Quir e suddenly, h e apparently accepted tha t "maximu m autonomy " withi n the Spanis h stat e wa s more desirable.

H e wa s il l an d i n priso n a t th e tim e h e expresse d thi s view , which cast s doubt s o n hi s motive fo r shifting hi s ground, an d th e docu mentary evidenc e i s inconclusive. From tha t da y to this , the PN V ha s succeeded i n appealing simulta neously t o tw o set s o f Basques : t o thos e wh o ar e happy t o settl e fo r th e cultural an d financial benefits o f a stron g regiona l governmen t withi n the Spanis h state, and t o a more radica l but stil l substantial minority wh o want t o seve r all links with Madrid.

Quit e often , indeed , th e sam e indi vidual part y member s appea r t o hol d bot h position s a t th e sam e time , one with thei r heads, an d th e othe r wit h thei r hearts. Despite th e dependenc e o n rura l symbols, th e PNV' s firs t successe s were i n th e cities , wher e the y gaine d suppor t fro m th e Basqu e middl e 34 A Short Versio n o f a Long History : From th e Ston e Age t o th e Civi l War class, squeezed betwee n monopolizin g capital an d radicalizin g labour.

I n the countrysid e th e Carlists , who ha d afte r al l been sheddin g thei r blood for a Spanish monarch , wer e deepl y suspiciou s of a movemen t tha t wa s appropriating thei r languag e an d traditiona l custom s fo r a n entirel y novel politica l project.

As for the Frenc h Basqu e Country, i t figured in th e PNV' s adoptio n of the idea l of Zazpiak Bat, "th e Seve n ar e One", bu t th e part y faile d t o make ir s presence fel r nort h o f th e border. The cenrralizin g forc e o f rh e Frenc h Revolutio n ha d strippe d tha t par t o f th e Basqu e Countr y of local privileges almost a century before the Spanis h Basques lost theirs. Much mor e recently , the impac t o f the Firs t World War, i n which Spai n was neutral but man y Frenc h Basque s died a t th e front, consolidated th e sway o f Frenc h patriotis m ove r th e Basque s nort h o f th e Pyrenees.

However, Eusker a an d fol k tradition s remaine d an d remain stron g there. The Civi l War: th e PN V Stands—Reluctantly—with the Republi c South o f th e border , neutralit y in th e Firs t Worl d Wa r wa s excellen t for business, bu t th e subsequen t depressio n als o intensifie d a clas s war. Bilbao becam e th e secon d mos t violen t cit y i n Spain , afte r Barcelona. Some o f th e stree t fightin g wa s inter-union , as militant s o f th e UG T engaged i n docksid e shoot-out s wit h member s o f ELA , th e unio n th e PNV se t u p t o giv e native Basque proletarian s a Catholi c optio n i n th e workplace.

The philosophe r Migue l d e Unamuno , the n a socialist sympathizer, moved fro m causti c opposition t o Basqu e nationalis m at th e tur n of th e centur y t o a mor e comprehendin g positio n a s early as H e wrote i n th e magazin e La Lucha d e Clases'.

Cannot socialis m b e translate d int o th e Basqu e spirit? That mos t o f [socialism's] firs t apostle s an d propagandist s neithe r wer e fro m her e nor kno w of this spirit has damaged th e cause of socialism i n Vasconia.

A doctrine , regardles s of it s universality , ca n b e mad e fruitfu l onl y b y injecting loca l sentiments into it. General Franc o an d hi s fello w general s launche d thei r "Christia n Crusade agains t Communism " o n 1 8 July Bu t mos t o f th e ver y Catholic PN V stoo d firmly , i f reluctantly , wit h Spanis h republica n democracy, althoug h the y loathe d th e anti-clerica l excesses an d revolu tionary passion o f some republicans.

For Franco and hi s allies, the PNV' s decision t o challeng e his uprising in th e nam e o f th e Basqu e natio n an d of democracy wa s an unforgivabl e betrayal. Thi s histori c administratio n woul d onl y las t a fe w months. As for Navarre, th e Carlist s an d othe r conservative s made sur e tha t i t was th e only province i n th e whol e of Spai n which produce d a popular uprising in favour o f the generals.

Significantly, Navarr e was not eve n mentione d in th e autonom y statute. I t stil l preserve s th e traditio n o f bertsolarismo—of fol k poet s wh o spontaneousl y compos e verse s i n Euskera i n public competitions. W e ha d a meal with he r elderl y father, a mos t accomplished bertsolari wh o ha d som e difficult y conversin g in Spanish.

The topi c o f th e Civi l Wa r cam e up , an d thi s ma n casuall y mentione d that he had fough t "wit h Franco' s lot". A young communis t at th e table, not use d t o eatin g i n suc h politicall y mixe d company , rathe r rudel y demanded a n explanation. Honourably invalide d home, hi s war pension wa s attached t o th e job o f sereno, o r tow n crie r an d nightwatchman. H e fulfille d thi s positio n fo r the entir e period o f the Franc o dictatorship , and th e Franc o administration pai d hi m weekl y fo r a job h e carrie d ou t b y callin g out th e hours , and th e new s tha t al l was well, which i t usuall y was , i n th e Basqu e language.

Th e speakin g o f Eusker a i n publi c wa s prohibited , eve n i n church sermon s wher e mos t o f th e villager s coul d no t understan d Spanish. The Basqu e Church, whic h ha d generally supported th e repub lic, wa s regarded wit h th e deepes t suspicion. Some priest s were shot.

All symbols o f Basqu e nationalism were banned. H e sounde d lik e a conquistador o n a n exoti c continent , thoug h h e wa s i n fac t a nativ e o f Bilbao, comin g home. It i s pruden t t o tak e a longe r vie w o f history , Basqu e nationalists might hav e tol d him , ha d the y bee n abl e to spea k a t al l at th e time. I n fact, t o paraphras e the historia n Antonio Elorza , the dictatorshi p mad e a grim realit y out o f Sabin o Arana's fantas y that th e Basqu e Countr y wa s an occupie d an d subjugate d nation.

And thos e circumstance s would giv e birth t o Euskad i t a Askatasuna , ETA , an d forg e a n entirel y new , an d bloody, impetu s t o ful l Basqu e independence. Bu t w e wil l leav e tha t story t o anothe r chapter , an d instea d explore the estuar y o f Urdaibai , a mini-region ric h i n symbol s o f Basqu e identity , and o f Basqu e diversity. Ironically , a plaqu e o n th e conven t in th e backgroun d proclaim s tha t "Chris t wil l reig n i n Spain. It s neatly triangular peak i s broken by the fain t outlin e of a building, a sanctuary church.

The hermitag e of San Mikel de Erefioza r 1,50 0 feet date s fro m th e sixteenth century , thoug h i t wa s buil t o n th e sit e o f a smal l fortres s a t least fou r hundre d year s older. Th e summit' s natura l defence s includ e not onl y the hill' s steep sides, but also an almos t impenetrabl e thicket o f holm oak. Thi s hard y evergree n bear s n o obviou s resemblanc e t o th e more familia r broadlea f "English " oak , whic h i s the symbo l o f Gernika, and o f Basque democracy.

Accordin g t o th e officia l literatur e of the Cas a de Juntas, i t i s also the symbo l of "th e Basqu e soul". In term s of natural history, though, th e holm oak has at least as good a clai m t o b e th e emble m o f th e region. Hillto p stand s o f thi s tre e ar e among th e onl y remainin g patche s o f nativ e Atlantic Cantabria n fores t along th e Basqu e coasta l hills.

These clashing forest s exemplify the perennia l Basqu e strug gle between reverenc e fo r heritag e an d energeti c pursui t o f wealth. Th e advance o f invasiv e mono-cultura l vegetatio n an d th e surg e i n urba n sprawl rais e question s abou t wh o i s winning th e battl e fo r th e Basqu e soul i n Urdaibai , th e mos t emblemati c Basqu e valley.

Look bac k carefull y a t the Cas a de Juntas fro m th e tow n belo w an d you will see that thi s venerable parliament buildin g is not dominate d by oaks, a s yo u migh t hav e expected. Th e curren t "tre e o f Gernika " i s a modest oa k sapling , plante d her e i n A sectio n o f the trun k of the grandparent , perhap s three centurie s old, i s preserved nearby , reverentl y encircled b y ston e columns.

Patrioti c Basque visitors still search fo r acorns fro m th e curren t tree, t o plant the m as fa r awa y a s Idah o an d Venezuela. An especiall y passionate nationalis t told m e h e ha s plante d on e o n th e far m h e ha s bough t i n Navarre , t o grow a s a silent witness t o a heartfel t territoria l claim. But, a s I wa s saying, the dominan t tre e a s you approac h th e build ing i s not a n oak. I t is a giant eucalyptus. Keyframing Create custom animations to elevate visual engagement.

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